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Gerald
Wilson, a history professor at Duke University, says a student's
question on the first day of class last semester caught him off
guard: "Do you have any prejudices?" Unsure what the
young man meant, Mr. Wilson decided to reply with a joke.
"Yeah, Republicans," he recalls saying. (He found out
later that the student was asking about writing styles.)
"Everybody laughed," the professor says.
Well, not quite everybody. Matt Bettis, a senior in the class,
thought the comment among others was inappropriate and sent an
e-mail message to Mr. Wilson telling him so. The professor
apologized to Mr. Bettis, who had dropped the course, "American
Dreams/American Realities."
"I was absolutely dumbfounded," Mr. Bettis later wrote
about Mr. Wilson's comments in a letter to Students for Academic
Freedom, a national group that is collecting stories about political
bias on campuses. "What worried me was the excited and proud
manner in which he stated it, thus implying that his politics would
be a large part of the classroom experience."
While Mr. Wilson calls the incident "regrettable," he says
his remark reflected his tendency to use humor to engage students.
"Everybody knows I'm very political," he says. "But,
dear God, I make jokes about Democrats as well as Republicans. This
is a course where we're going to talk about different
viewpoints."
To some college students -- and legislators -- who hold
conservative views, however, comments like Mr. Wilson's raise a red
flag. Professors who unnecessarily interject their political views
into the classroom contribute to conservative students' feelings of
isolation on campuses that often seem to be dominated by faculty
members with liberal views, these critics say. Several students who
say they have Republican leanings argue that their grades have
suffered or that their participation in classroom discussions has
been stifled by liberal professors.
"Our institutions of higher education have become institutions
of indoctrination," declares Stephen Miller, a freshman at
Duke. "That's a frightening trend."
Now conservative activists are fighting back. David Horowitz,
president of the California-based Center for the Study of Popular
Culture, is leading a national campaign to change campus climates.
The centerpiece of his efforts is an "Academic Bill of
Rights," which he is urging Congress and state legislatures to
adopt. It enumerates several principles that colleges should follow,
among which is that they should foster a variety of political and
religious beliefs in such areas as making tenure decisions,
developing reading lists for courses, and selecting campus speakers.
Republican members of the U.S. House of Representatives have
introduced as legislation a version of the proposal. In Colorado, a
visit paid by Mr. Horowitz to state officials led the president of
the State Senate, a Republican, to ask the heads of the state's 29
public institutions to specify their processes for handling
complaints about bias and the steps they are taking to promote
"intellectual diversity" in classes and faculty
recruiting. Now Colorado's Republican lawmakers are pushing for
legislation that would force college governing boards to develop and
publicize processes for resolving students' complaints about bias.
Mr. Horowitz says he believes that his proposal, or similar ones,
could be introduced in as many as a half-dozen more state
legislatures, which he declines to identify, as well as in the U.S.
Senate, by this spring. He is also urging campus administrators and
student-government leaders to adopt policies that would spell out
students' rights to academic freedom.
"The university should not be a political place," says Mr.
Horowitz. "It's a place where there ought to be reasoned
discourse." He has conducted studies finding that at 32
universities he deemed "elite," Democratic professors and
administrators outnumbered Republican colleagues by a ratio of more
than 10 to 1.
He says he took a lot of time crafting his bill of rights so that it
would protect faculty members and students who hold views across the
political spectrum. Practically, though, most of the students and
politicians who are backing such legislation are Republicans who
complain of liberal bias on campuses.
As viewpoint-neutral as Mr. Horowitz's proposal may be, some argue
that the principles it lays out are likely to give other
conservative activists and lawmakers ammunition to push
more-controversial plans in the name of intellectual diversity. For
instance, Stanley Fish, dean of the College of Liberal Arts and
Sciences at the University of Illinois at Chicago, argues in this
week's Chronicle Review that lawmakers may try to use the
goal of ideological balance as a rationale for requiring
institutions to hire additional conservative scholars or to monitor
students' assigned reading to make sure it is sufficiently
"pro-American."
"It is obvious that for Horowitz these are debating points
designed to hoist the left by its own petard," writes Mr. Fish,
"but the trouble with debating points is that they can't be
kept in bounds."
A Matter of Balance
Many university administrators, faculty members, and state lawmakers
believe that Mr. Horowitz's plan, or similar proposals, would invite
too much meddling by lawmakers in academic matters. Some insist that
such legislative efforts might actually hinder debate on campuses
and restrict professors' ability to appropriately balance classroom
discussions of significant scholarly ideas.
The American Association of University Professors issued a statement
saying that Mr. Horowitz's proposal would encourage state and campus
officials to exert oversight on faculty members on academic matters
rather than trust their professional judgment. The group took
specific exception to language in the proposal that would encourage
institutions to make faculty employment decisions "with a view
toward fostering a plurality of methodologies and
perspectives."
"The danger of such guidelines is that they invite diversity to
be measured by political standards that diverge from the academic
criteria of the scholarly profession," the statement reads. For
example, it said, a political-theory department might be required to
hire a professor espousing Nazi philosophy if a college were forced
to provide a real "plurality of methodologies and
perspectives" in its academic courses.
Mr. Horowitz argues that the group has misread his proposal, and
that it clearly states that professors' independence should be
protected. He says he wants to promote "intellectual
diversity," not "political pluralism."
"Political balance implies political interference (to correct
any imbalance)," he wrote to the AAUP. "By contrast,
intellectual diversity calls for intellectual standards to replace
the existing political ones."
Political bias, rather than academic standards, has driven too many
decisions by professors and other people on campuses, he says,
citing a course in "Modern Industrial Societies" that he
sat in on at Bates College a few years ago. The sole text, he says,
was a 500-page document, put together by editors of the New Left
Review, that included only Marxist views.
In a letter to the editor of the Web site Salon, which ran an
article about Mr. Horowitz's visit to Bates, the professor, Kiran
Asher, replied that the text that Mr. Horowitz complained about
included "serious engagement of such conservative icons"
as Francis Fukuyama. Ms. Asher, who is no longer at Bates, added
that she also required her students to read The Economist,
which she called "not exactly a bastion of leftist
doctrine."
Colorado at Center Stage
Across the country, college students who hold conservative views are
coming forward with dozens of reports of incidents in which they
assert that professors treated them differently than their
more-liberal peers. On Web sites that collect such anecdotes and in
other forums, the students tell stories of faculty members who made
demeaning jokes about Republicans and spent class time urging
students to protest the war in Iraq. Some of the students expressed
the belief that their conservative opinions, no matter how well
argued, have resulted in low grades. Others describe reading lists
that include controversial material that is unrelated to the subject
matter.
Much of the debate in the past several months has centered in
Colorado. State Sen. John Andrews, president of the chamber, who
surveyed the state's public colleges about their policies, says he
has long been concerned about bias against conservative students and
faculty members. After reviewing the colleges' policies on academic
freedom, he concluded that they are well established but that the
procedures for filing complaints are "more ragged" and not
well known to students.
Following up, State Rep. Shawn Mitchell, a Republican, introduced
legislation last month that would require the governing boards of
public colleges in Colorado to create and make known a process for
students to challenge any discrimination they experience because of
their political beliefs.
The proposal also would amend Colorado's existing "bill of
rights" for students by spelling out the protections against
political discrimination that students should be guaranteed. The
legislation requires, among other things, that students' grades be
unaffected by their political or religious views, that professors
refrain from introducing controversial topics unrelated to their
courses, and that student fees be distributed among campus groups
only on a viewpoint-neutral basis.
"This isn't about stifling political debate," Mr. Mitchell
says. "It's about allowing political debate and trying to
create a fair environment for everyone."
Some members of Colorado's legislature, however, say legislation to
reaffirm the political rights of students isn't high on their
agendas.
"There are some huge challenges facing Colorado's
higher-education system; this isn't one of them," says State
Rep. Andrew Romanoff, a Democrat who is minority leader in the House
of Representatives. "I haven't heard from any of my
constituents who have identified the liberal-college conspiracy as a
problem worth our time."
Instead, he says, his colleagues should focus on improving
high-school graduation rates and college participation among
Colorado residents, and providing more money for financial aid.
Robert Nero, spokesman for the University of Colorado System, argues
that the legislation is unnecessary because the institution has
adequate policies to protect students, and that it would be
"demoralizing to the faculty."
Administrators also believe it would be harder to draw top scholars
to Colorado if the legislation passed, he says, because it would
appear that lawmakers were "micromanaging" university
affairs.
Mr. Horowitz acknowledges that involving lawmakers was not his first
choice as a tactic for raising the issue of bias on campuses. But he
decided to take that approach, he says, after public-university
officials in various states failed to adopt stronger policy
statements about the issue.
"I at least wanted to open the discussion," he says,
arguing that his proposed legislation would make a difference in
protecting students. "You can tell," he says, "by the
resistance."
Campaigns on Campuses
As Mr. Horowitz works to drum up support, students on some campuses
are taking their own actions. Student-government leaders at
Occidental College, Utah State University, and Wichita State
University have adopted a "Student Bill of Rights" modeled
after Mr. Horowitz's.
At the University of Colorado at Boulder, the College Republicans
last month placed a form on their Web site for students to report
experiences of bias based on political beliefs. The group says it
wants to use the stories to help demonstrate the extent of the
discrimination they see on the campus as they talk with state
lawmakers and university administrators.
One Boulder student who has filed a complaint through the Web site
is Meaghan McCarty, a junior. In her "Social Problems"
class, she says, the professor would often speak over her and try to
discredit her arguments during class discussions of issues like
poverty. When she raised her concerns with the professor after
class, Ms. McCarty says, he told her that no one agreed with her,
and that she should consider taking a course with a more
conservative professor. Ms. McCarty's professor could not be reached
for comment.
"I'm not here for my views to be popular," Ms. McCarty
says. But "it goes too far when a professor starts to stifle
students' own thoughts. There should be less of their own opinion
and more facts from both perspectives."
While many professors agree that courses should include healthy
debates, some worry that legislation aimed at protecting students
from political bias would place too much emphasis on simply
balancing facts in course material.
"Learning is simply more than facts," says Mr. Wilson, the
Duke professor. "What we need is intelligent discourse on these
kinds of things. To do that, we should have flexibility and
freedom."
But students who support Mr. Horowitz's campaign argue that his bill
of rights seeks to foster just the kind of wide-ranging discourse
that Mr. Wilson seeks, by protecting the expression of more
viewpoints.
"When students like myself feel alienated, that drastically
compromises the educational environment," says Mr. Miller, the
Duke freshman. "We need a completely, utterly, entirely
unbiased pursuit of knowledge."
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