I. The American electoral process had undergone
change in recent
decades.
A. An ELECTION CAMPAIGN is an organized effort to persuade voters
to choose one candidate over others competing for the same
office.
B. Increasingly, election campaigns have evolved from being party
centered to being candidate centered.
II. Today candidates campaign for nomination as well as election.
A. In the United States, most aspiring candidates for major office
are nominated through a PRIMARY ELECTION. Such elections may be
classified as CLOSED, OPEN, and BLANKET, depending on the
severity of requirements for determining party affiliation.
B. To nominate a presidential candidate, parties employ a complex
mix of presidential primaries, local party caucuses, and party
conventions.
1. A PRESIDENTIAL PRIMARY is a special primary used to select
delegates to attend the party's national nominating
convention.
2. The LOCAL CAUCUS method of delegate selection is used in
fifteen states.
III. Election campaigns may be studied by analyzing the political
context, the available financial resources, and the strategies and
tactics that underlie the dissemination of information about the
candidate.
A. Political context
1. An INCUMBENT, the current officeholder, usually enjoys an
advantage over a CHALLENGER, who seeks to replace him.
2. An OPEN ELECTION lacks an incumbent.
B. Financing
1. Election campaigns have become very expensive, and ample
financing is usually critical to success.
a. Campaign financing for federal election today tends to be
heavily regulated through the FEDERAL ELECTION
COMMISSION.
(1) Limits have been imposed on amounts that individuals
and groups can contribute to federal campaigns.
(2) Strict requirements have been imposed for disclosing
campaign contributions and expenditures.
(3) Public funding is available for presidential
campaigns, provided that the candidates limit their
expenditures to the public funds.
(4) Public funding of presidential candidates has limited
election costs, helped equalize the amounts spent by
the nominees, and increased the personalization of
campaigns.
2. Public funds are given to the presidential candidate rather
than to the party. Access to such funds has generally
further isolated the presidential campaign from
congressional campaigns.
C. Strategies and tactics
1. Using information obtained from pollsters or political
consultants, professional campaign managers develop a
strategy that mixes party, issues, and images.
2. Campaign messages are disseminated to voters via the mass
media through news coverage and advertising.
IV. All seats in the House of Representatives, one-third of the
Senate, and numerous state and local offices are filled in a
GENERAL ELECTION held on the first Tuesday after the first Monday
in November in even-numbered years.
A. Voters choose a president indirectly through the ELECTORAL
COLLEGE composed of electors pledged to one of the candidates.
1. Each state is accorded one electoral vote for each of its
senators and representatives.
2. Although it is possible for a candidate to win a plurality
or even a majority of the popular vote and lose the election
in the electoral college, the college generally operates to
magnify the victory margin.
3. Its defenders argue that the system has been a stable one
and that it tends to increase the legitimacy of the
president-elect.
B. A voter is said to vote a STRAIGHT TICKET when he or she
chooses only one party's candidates for all offices.
C. A voter who switches parties when choosing candidates for
different offices is said to vote a SPLIT TICKET.
D. In recent years, elections have resulted in divided government,
in which Republicans control the presidency and Democrats the
Congress.
E. So-called FIRST-PAST-THE-POST ELECTIONS, conducted in
single-member districts, award victory to the candidate with the most votes. In the United States, this results in the
Republicans' receiving a lower percentage of congressional
seats than votes.
V. Individual voting choices can be explained as products of
long-term forces, which operate over a series of elections, and
short-term forces, which are associated with particular elections.
A. Party identification is the most important long-term factor in
voting choice.
1. About 40 percent of the voters say they know whom they are
going to vote for before the party conventions.
2. Typically, the winning candidate for president holds nearly
all of those who identify with his party, takes a sizable
share of his opponents' identifiers, and wins most of the
independents.
B. Among short-term forces, candidate attributes are especially
important when voters lack information about a candidate's past
behavior and policy stands.
1. Some voters fall back on their firsthand knowledge of
religion, gender, and race in making political judgment.
2. Personal qualifications such as TRUSTWORTHINESS, LEADERSHIP,
or CARING are important.
3. In the 1992 elections, Bill Clinton ranked lower than George
Bush on trustworthiness, but higher on leadership and
caring.
C. As for the other major short-term force, the candidate's policy
position, most studies of presidential elections show that
issues are less important than either party identification or
the candidate's image, when people cast their ballots.
D. There are definite limits to the effects of an election
campaign on the outcome of elections. Factors outside the
control of campaign managers have powerful effects on voting
behavior.
VI. Although the party affiliation of the candidates and the party
identification of the voters explain a good deal of electoral
behavior, party organizations are not central to elections in
America.
A. The Republican and Democratic parties fail to meet two of the
four principles of responsible party government.
1. They do not choose candidates according to the party
program.
2. The governing party cannot be held responsible at the next
election for executing its program because there is no
GOVERNING PARTY when the president is of one party and
Congress is controlled by the other.
B. Parties in the United States typify the pluralist more than the Majoritarian model of democracy.
1. American parties act somewhat as major interest groups,
seeking to elect their candidates with little regard for
issues or ideologies favored by candidates for Congress and
statewide office.
2. Stronger parties might be able to play a more important role
in coordinating government policies after elections.
3. The decentralized nature of the nominating process and
campaigning for election offer many opportunities for
organized groups to back candidates that favor their
interests.
RACE FOR THE WHITE HOUSE
The competition between our political parties is most visible during our
quadrennial exercise in selecting a president, when campaigning by
presidential candidates helps to define what their party stands for.
Likewise, the party label that they wear provides powerful cues to the
electorate about what they stand for.
I. And the nominees are . . .
A. The pool of those who can mount a serious campaign for the
presidency is a relatively small one. And how they get from
this pool to the point where political elites are seriously
considering nominating them is rather mysterious.
B. One journalist said a politician becomes a viable candidate
when the GREAT MENTIONER includes him or her in his
discussions. In other words, by some unknown force, people in
Capital Hill cloakrooms, at Georgetown cocktail parties, and at
party fundraisers begin to talk about the presidential
prospects of particular politicians while ignoring others. And
soon those names end up in the political columns of newspapers
and magazines.
1. But if the ways of the Great Mentioner have not been uncovered by modern political science, we can still make
some useful generalizations about who runs for president and who gets nominated.
2. Most of those who run for their party's nomination are members of Congress, governors, or sitting vice presidents.
There are some exceptions, like ministers Pat Robertson and Jesse Jackson, and columnist Pat Buchanan, but the vast
majority of candidates are those either currently holding political office or having just left it.
3. The 1992 race illustrates the nature of the pool. On the Democratic side we had Bill Clinton (governor), Tom Harkin
(senator), Paul Tsongas (former senator), Bob Kerrey (senator), and Jerry Brown (former governor).
4. On the Republican side we had George Bush (incumbent) and
columnist Pat Buchanan.
C. An even more striking pattern emerges when we look at who has
won Democratic and Republican nominations. If we look at the
nominations since 1960, some primary spawning grounds stand
out:
D. Of the nonincumbants, three candidates came directly from the
Senate. Five candidates (counting Nixon twice) were sitting or
former vice presidents. In addition, two vice presidents,
Johnson and Ford, acceded to the presidency and then ran as
incumbents. Before becoming vice presidents, Nixon, Johnson,
Humphrey, and Mondale all served in the Senate. Finally three
former or current governors won their party nominations.
E. Clearly, it is quite difficult for sitting representatives to
win their party's nomination. There are some who have made the
effort, such as Gephardt and Kemp in 1988, but a representative who wants to run for president might think it strategic to gain
a Senate seat or governorship first.
F. Some argue that the pool is far too circumscribed because it
is limited to those holding high political office.
1. Would it be better if people who excelled in other walks of
life were given serious consideration for party nominations?
2. In 1992, Ross Perot, multimillionaire businessman, received
nearly 20 percent of the votes for President.
3. The obvious questions is: What kind of experience is
necessary for the job of president? Is being head of a giant
corporation with all its abundant challenges appropriate
preparation for the White House?
4. Three recent Presidents, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton, all claimed that spending their careers
outside Washington was an advantage. Their reasoning was
that they wouldn't be constrained by the normal political
rules of Washington.
5. Still, all three were accomplished politicians, used to the
bargaining and coalition building of politics. They were not
moving into an entirely new career.
II. The primary route
A. Of those who do compete for their party's nomination, the first
steps in the march toward victory are clear. They reason that
they must run respectably in Iowa and then win the New
Hampshire primary.
1. Success in the Iowa caucuses has become important because
some candidates have tried to build momentum for the
subsequent New Hampshire primary by gaining publicity with
their success in Iowa.
2. New Hampshire is important because it has a higher voter
turnout and thus reflects strength among a broader voter
base.
3. Nevertheless, both states have few electoral votes and are
only early signals of the greater battles ahead.
4. California, with its 54 electoral votes, more than any other
state, has recently changed its primary from June to March.
Thus, California will become a major early factor in
candidate selection for 1996.
B. The crucial importance of the New Hampshire primary and Iowa
caucuses has led to calls for rotating the sites of the first
primaries and caucuses. These states are not representative of
the nation, yet their voters get to play a preeminent role in
the selection of nominees.
1. As early as fall 1993, Republican aspirants to the 1996
nomination began visiting New Hampshire and Iowa in efforts
to seek support. These included Senators Robert Dole, Phil Gramm, and Richard
Lugar.
2. Meanwhile, California, with its new early primary, has
received many visits and special attention from incumbent
President Bill Clinton.
C. Southern Democratic leaders were critical of the dominance of
northern states early in the primary season. They felt that the
types of candidates who were doing well in the North were the
ones who would not do well in the South in the general
election.
1. Consequently, the state legislatures of southern states
changed the timing of their primaries to produce a southern regional primary early in the primary season.
2. The assumption was that it would produce either a southern
nominee or a northern nominee more acceptable to the South.
3. In 1992, Bill Clinton, a southerner, easily defeated his
primary opponents on Super Tuesday.
D. Primaries have not always played the preeminent role that they
do now. One important step in their changing role as the route
to the presidency came with John Kennedy's campaign in 1960.
1. Kennedy knew that many Democratic leaders harbored doubts
about his ability to win because of his Catholic religion.
To overcome these doubts, Kennedy took his case to the
people, and confrontations with Humphrey in Wisconsin and
highly Protestant West Virginia resulted in Kennedy
triumphs. A number of key party bosses were eventually won
over and they brought their delegations with them to give
Kennedy the nomination.
2. Still, Humphrey won the nomination in 1968 even though he
essentially bypassed the primaries.
3. The protest over Humphrey's nomination and the perception
that he was the bosses' choice and not the people's were
major causes of the fundamental change in the nominating
process.
4. Over time, caucuses have been replaced with primaries, which
permit more Majoritarian participation. In 1992, nearly
forty states relied on primaries to select their nominee.
E. The nomination process is now a marathon, with campaigns
beginning in earnest shortly after the last congressional
election. Strong campaign skills that distinguish a candidate
from the competition are crucial. We may be nominating people
who are more skilled at campaigning than governing.
III. The electoral college
A. Once the nomination is won, a strategy must be developed for
winning a majority of votes in the electoral college.
B. Despite having won seven of the last ten presidential elections
through 1988, the Republicans lost in 1992 due to Majoritarian
dissatisfaction with the incumbent, George Bush.
C. The electoral college is an anachronism that lives on.
1. It was designed to prevent too much Majoritarian democracy by making sure that only a select elite would actually be
able to elect a president.
2. It basically makes the votes of people in the more populous
states more important than the votes of people in less
populous states.
a. Campaign time, attention and money are focused on the
states with the most electoral votes.
b. States with fewer people and fewer electoral votes may
get ignored during the campaign.
3. Its decisions almost always reflect the popular vote anyway.
Therefore, why should it exist at all?
4. In the twenty-first century, if the electoral college were
not to reflect the voters' will, what would happen?
a. Would the public accept the electoral college decision?
b. Would the public demand that the popular will be
respected?
c. What would happen to the constitutional requirement that
such an election be handed to the House of
Representatives for a one-vote-per-state decision?
THE DECLINING AMERICAN MIDDLE CLASS AND ELECTORAL POLITICS
This lecture discusses the relationship between the decline of the middle
class and the increasing disinterest in and distrust of the traditional
two-party electoral system.
I. The American middle class traditionally had two elements.
A. The white-collar middle wage earner, such as the teacher,
middle manager, accountant.
B. The blue-collar middle wage earner, such as the unionized
industrial worker.
II. In recent years, international economic trends have forced down
wages and caused a decline in the American blue-collar middle
class.
A. Median family income for the middle class began to decline in
the early 1970s.
B. Economist Lester Thurow speaks of the "collapse of earning
prospects" for the bottom two-thirds of the workforce.
C. It is estimated that one in five American children lives in
poverty as defined by government standards.
III. Even white-collar workers are seeing their real wages declining
relative to inflation.
A. In 1993, more white-collar workers were out of work than blue
collar workers.
1. Layoffs in the service sector of the economy have hit hard
at technical, clerical and managerial employees.
2. Computerization is one cause of the reduced workforce.
3. Fierce competition with corporations in other nations is
another reason for the reduction in the American workforce.
B. Wage stagnation, defined as a decline in purchasing power, has
affected teachers, technical workers, and even some midlevel
executives and managers.
C. Even educated Americans face declining opportunities.
1. The Labor Department (1992) warns that 30 percent of each
new college graduating class from 1992 through 2005 will
leave college and remain unemployed or underemployed.
2. Underemployment is chronic for the one-third of the American
workforce that work as "temps." The largest private employer
in the U.S. is Milwaukee-based Manpower, Inc.
3. Temporary workers generally earn less and have few or no
fringe benefits.
IV. At the same time the middle class has been declining, a few
Americans have become much wealthier.
A. Americans earning $500,000 or more a year increased by 85
percent during the 1980s.
B. Gaps between workers and top managers (CEOs) have increased to
a 1992 average of $24,411 for the worker and $3,842,247 for the
CEO. V. However, most of the people who leave the middle class do not rise
to the upper class--they fall into the working poor or below.
A. Nearly 23 percent of Americans are defined as working poor.
B. Working-poor income levels are insufficient to provide all the
essentials for a family.
C. Poverty contributes to many of the social ills, including
crime, violence, premature childbearing, and substance abuse.
VI. What were some factors in this tremendous loss of middle-class
status for so many Americans?
A. International economic events such as the OPEC boycott in 1973
and the subsequent permanent rise in oil prices have played a
role.
B. Also, Americans have not saved or invested well.
C. The restructuring of the international economy has caused
almost one million blue-collar factory jobs to leave the U.S.
permanently.
D. The attacks on the labor movement by the Reagan administration
and related declines in American unionism has also led to
further deterioration in wages.
1. Despite campaign promises, Bill Clinton was unable to
persuade even his fellow Democrats in Congress to overcome
Republican opposition and pass a pro-labor bill in 1994.
2. The labor movement continues to shrink as fewer Americans
work in full-time jobs in unionized workplaces.
E. The demand of Wall Street for quick profits has speeded up the
deindustrialization of America and the export of blue-collar
jobs.
1. American-based companies find it more profitable to do their
production activities offshore.
a. Recent examples of plant closures that resulted in
permanent layoffs include the Kellwood Industries, St.
Louis, and Stride Rite, Boston.
b. Even companies with longstanding commitments to their
communities and employees are under economic pressure
to relocate.
2. Whereas the competition over factory location used to be
between states, with nonunion southern states often beating
out unionized northern states, now the competition is
between Roxbury, Mass. and Indonesia.
F. The gap between the requirements of work in the 1990s and the
ability of American education to prepare tomorrow's workforce
has aggravated the problems. How will today's students turn
into the highly skilled, high tech workers of tomorrow?
1. Many American classrooms have no computers.
2. Many American children have test scores lower than those of
children in other industrialized nations.
3. The American public expenditure on education as a percentage
of GNP is 5.5 percent. In Sweden, it is 8.5 percent, in
Canada, 8 percent.
G. The U.S. pattern of "disinvestments" in public infrastructure
has degraded the ability of the economy to grow. Public sector
investment is directly correlated with economic growth.
1. With the exception of prisons and corrections, most public
investment programs, have declined in the past twenty years.
2. The "peace dividend" that was supposed to be created by the
end of the Cold War has been diverted into deficit reduction
rather than new investment.
3. The U.S. Conference of Mayors has identified over 7,000
public works projects, ranging from library construction to
road improvements, that have been put on hold due to lack of
funds.
H. The American people's fascination with imported consumer goods
has not helped--Americans have consumed foreign goods while
expecting to keep their domestic production jobs.
VII. What are the political implications of this decline in what has
been considered the backbone of the U.S.?
A. There has been an increase in voting for third party or
independent candidates.
1. Between 1864 and 1964, only three third-party candidates
took more than 6 percent of the national vote.
a. Populist James Weaver took 8.5 percent in 1892.
b. Progressive Teddy Roosevelt took 27.4 percent in 1912.
c. Progressive Robert La Follette took 16.6 percent in 1924.
2. Between 1968 and 1992, three candidates who were neither
Democrats nor Republicans took more than 6 percent, with
Ross Perot getting nearly 20 percent of the national vote in
1992.
a. George Wallace took 13.5 percent in 1968.
b. John Anderson took 6.6 percent in 1980.
B. What does this trend suggest for future third-party candidates?
1. Although only the Libertarians have ballot status in all
fifty states, there are movements to create new third
parties with national presence.
2. The NEW PARTY, defined as a progressive alternative to both
major parties, has won 35 out of its first 50 races for
local office.
3. More and more Americans are expressing dissatisfaction with
the two major parties.
C. Political scientists will be watching in 1996 and beyond for a
continuing relationship between economic security issues and
presidential election outcomes.
1. Will voter turnout continue to decline?
2. Will third party candidates continue to gain strength?
3. Will traditional two-party politics be merely jostled or
will the two parties sustain serious damage?