Economic Policy
I. Introduction: Reagan's Economic Policy
When Ronald Reagan took office as president, he promised to
cure the country's economic mess by reducing taxes for upper
income groups and corporations, cutting social programs,
decreasing the regulatory burden on business, and dampening
inflation with a tight money policy. Reagan generally had
his way with Congress in instituting these changes. The
results were not, however, exactly what he and his supporters
expected.
To be sure, the regulatory climate for business improved, the
economy grew steadily, federal taxes were reduced, and
inflation was curbed. Nonetheless, the federal budget
deficit grew at a rate that was unprecedented. Inequalities
in income and wealth became more pronounced. Deregulation
contributed to problems of safety in many industries, and to
huge losses in the savings and loan industry.
Meanwhile, average wages and median family income barely
inched upward. The savings rate and business investment
declined as well. Investment flowed not to new plants and
equipment, but primarily to such unproductive activities as
hostile corporate takeovers, leveraged buy-outs, junk bonds,
and tax shelters. These developments accelerated the decline
of the United States in the world economy.
The story of President Reagan's economic policy and its
impact introduces the topics discussed in this chapter. The
objective here is to show how economic policies are made and
how, once enacted, they affect the operation of the American
economy and the well-being of American citizens.
II. Why Government?
Governments in all modern capitalist societies play a
substantial role in the management and direction of their
economies. No government today would dare leave problems
such as recession, depression, a trade imbalance, or
inflation to work themselves out naturally.
Citizens and leaders in Western democracies have learned that
the free market economy, left to itself, is subject to
periodic collapse, with bouts of inflation and unemployment.
Moreover, government must play a role in the economy because
its purchases of goods and services are so substantial that
it inevitably has an impact on the economy. Given this
presence, it would be difficult for any government to deny
responsibility for what is happening in its national economy.
III. The Tools of Economic Policy
and the Debate About Their Use
Government actions affect the inflation rate, the level of
unemployment, and the growth of income and output in the
national economy. Government leaders attempt to do this by
adjusting their fiscal and monetary policies. The objective
of macroeconomic policy is to achieve full employment, steady
growth, and stable prices.
The method used is to adjust the money supply, government
spending, and taxes in such a way that total demand--that is,
total spending by government, consumers, and business
combined--is roughly in line with the productive potential of
the economy.
A. Fiscal Policy
Fiscal tools are not easy to use. Decisions about how much
government should spend or what level and kinds of taxes
ought to be levied are not made simply on the basis of their
potential impact on economic stability and growth. Many
other issues come into play. Federal spending, for example,
cannot be readily adjusted up or down as economic conditions
change. Nor is it easy to adjust tax rates in response to
changing economic conditions.
The legislative process is cumbersome and time consuming,
with many interests involved, so changes in tax policy cannot
be done annually. Moreover, changes in spending and taxing
take so long to bring about that there is considerable danger
that policies will be inappropriate by the time they filter
into the economy.
B. Monetary Policy
Actions by the Federal Reserve Board affect how much money is
available to business and individuals in banks, savings and
loans, and credit unions. The more money that is available
and the lower the interest rates at which money can be
borrowed, the higher overall spending is likely to be. If
the Fed wants to increase total demand in the economy, it
increases the money supply and lowers interest rates. If it
wants to slow the economy down, it decreases the money supply
and increases interest rates.
The Fed does this in three ways. It can buy or sell federal
securities from private brokers and dealers, change the
discount rate (the interest rate the Fed charges to member
banks), or change how much banks must have on hand to cover
outstanding loans (called reserve requirements).
C. The Debate About the Role of Government in the Economy
People may agree that government must play an important role
in managing the economy, but they disagree about how it
should do it. Debate revolves around four main alternatives:
Keynesianism, monetarism, supply side economic policy, and
industrial policy.
English economist John Maynard Keynes showed that capitalist
economies do not consistently operate at a level that fully
employs a nation's workers or keeps its factories operating.
The reason is that total demand is rarely high enough.
The solution, he suggested, is for government to fill the gap
during slack times by increasing its own spending or cutting
taxes so that businesses and consumers might increase
spending. When demand is too high, triggering inflation,
government should cut spending or increase taxes in order to
decrease consumer spending.
What Keynes failed to appreciate, however, was the political
difficulty of slashing government spending once groups,
ranging from farmers to military contractors, came to look at
federal monies as a right, even when demand was too high and
spending needed to be cut. Despite this serious shortcoming,
the Keynesian approach dominated economic policy in the
United States and Western Europe for three decades following
World War II.
Monetarists such as economist Milton Friedman argue that the
key to a healthy economy is the proper management of the
supply of money and credit by central banks. The job of a
central bank is to set and enforce long-range targets for
growth in the money supply that matches the rate of growth in
productivity.
Such a policy, monetarists claim, encourages steady growth in
price stability. Monetarists believe that their approach is
more consistent with American values than Keynesianism,
because it does not depend on an expansive government.
Government only needs to set and enforce money targets so
that individuals and businesses can operate in a stable
economic environment that permits long-range planning and
investment, leaving the free market to do the rest.
According to supply side theory, government should help
increase the supply of goods and services in the economy by
removing barriers to individual investment and
entrepreneurship. In particular, supply side economists
advocate substantial reductions in taxes, welfare, and Social
Security, and removal of all but the most essential
regulations on business. While tax cuts may temporarily
unbalance the budget, supply-side economists believe that
government revenues will increase in the long run because of
economic growth, bringing the budget into balance.
Industrial policy advocates in the Democratic party argue
that broad macroeconomic fiscal and monetary policies are too
blunt to help the United States remain competitive in
international markets. What is needed, they say, is national
strategic planning following the Japanese and European
models. Strategic planning should guide investment to high-
technology sectors and away from outmoded industries, manage
the painful social dislocations of a reoriented economy, and
encourage a vigorous American export trade.
IV. The Making of Economic Policy
A. Structural Factors
American economic policy is influenced by structural factors.
Most economists believe that an industrial, corporate, and
transnational economy, such as the American economy today,
cannot be left to its own devices. The swings of the
business cycle in such an economy are broad and deeply felt,
and the failure of a firm or a set of firms affects a broad
range of businesses, investors, lenders, and consumers.
Economic policy is also affected by the health of the economy
at any particular time. During periods of prosperity, for
example, when growth is joined to low rates of inflation,
opinion generally favors loosening the grip of the government
on the economy and allowing market forces to take over.
Economic policy is also shaped by the political culture of
the United States. Though Americans now believe that the
government has an important role to play in the management of
the economy, they are still attracted to the free market
ideal and are hostile to an activist government. The
constitutional rules also matter.
Economic policy, like most other policies in the United
States, tends to be fairly incoherent, contradictory, and
inconsistent when compared to that of other capitalist
nations. Divided government, checks and balances, separation
of powers, and federalism have a great deal to do with that
situation.
B. Political Factors
Interest groups, particularly those representing business,
take a keen interest in economic policy. Although business
usually speaks with a single voice on issues involving
deregulation and balanced budgets, it is not always united on
what it wants from the government in terms of economic
policy. Nor do business interest groups have the field to
themselves. Labor, consumer, and public interest groups are
also important players in the economic policy game.
Voters and public opinion mainly affect fiscal policy. The
public is attuned to overall economic conditions and
generally pays attention to what elected leaders are doing to
curb inflation and unemployment and to stimulate growth. The
general state of the economy is one of the most important
factors in deciding national election outcomes. Some social
scientists believe that there is a political business cycle,
in which elected leaders stimulate economic growth prior to
elections and postpone economic pain until after elections.
Political parties also play a role in economic policymaking.
Because each party has its own electoral and financial
constituency, composed of groups with identifiable economic
interests, the two parties support different economic
policies. Democrats tend to favor economic policies that
decrease unemployment and disparities in income; they worry
less about inflation.
Republicans, meanwhile, tend to favor policies that control
inflation at the expense of higher unemployment and greater
inequality. Thus, inequality decreases slightly when
Democrats control the presidency and increases slightly when
Republicans control it.
C. Governmental Factors
When things go wrong in the economy, Americans usually turn
to the president for action. At the center of every modern
president's legislative program are proposals for spending,
taxing, and regulation that usually have broad macroeconomic
effects. Nearly everything that Congress does has
macroeconomic effects as well.
The overall balance of expenditures and receipts is a
powerful fiscal instrument, either stimulating or retarding
the economy. Taxes levied by Congress shape the incentives
for individual and company economic decision making. Laws
that regulate, grant subsidies, or supply loan guarantees
influence economic behavior.
The Federal Reserve Board makes monetary policy for the
nation. Made up of seven members and a chairperson appointed
by the president, this board regulates interest rates and the
money supply. The system of separation of powers and checks
and balances allows many groups, institutions, and political
actors to get involved in economic policymaking. Policy
decisions are the outcome of bargaining and conflict between
the president, the Fed, the OMB, the Treasury, regulatory
agencies, and Congress.
D. Values and Economic Policy
Debates about economic policy are spirited because the stakes
are high. Decisions about spending, taxing, and regulation
not only affect each of our material interests but also
involve our deepest beliefs about the kind of government and
society that we want to have. Arguments over specific
spending programs, for example, inescapably involve
conceptions about the proper role of the federal government.
Many who oppose specific spending programs do so because of
their concerns about big government. Debates about taxes
concern who shall bear the burden and, ultimately, how much
inequality we are willing to tolerate. Regulatory policies
concern not only technical and scientific issues but also our
confidence in the ability of private markets to solve their
own problems.
V. Government Spending
The federal government spends more than $1.4 trillion
annually. National defense accounts for about a fifth of all
federal government expenditures. Although the defense budget
is quite substantial and much higher than that in other
developed Western societies, it has shrunk considerably since
1960, when the defense budget accounted for over half of
federal outlays.
The steady downward trend in national defense spending was
dramatically reversed during the 1980s, when President Ronald
Reagan successfully pushed for a military buildup, but
resumed its downward course with the end of the Cold War
during the early 1990s.
Outlays for human resources, including welfare, health,
veterans, education, and job training grew considerably since
1960 as a proportion of total expenditures, and now account
for over half of total spending. While relative spending on
human resources remained constant, spending for other
programs in this area of federal government responsibility
fell substantially.
Outlays for physical resources, including transportation,
energy, and the environment, account for slightly more than
10 percent of federal dollars and are about where they were
in 1980. Other federal nondefense outlays--which support
programs ranging from housing to agriculture, national parks,
science and technology, international affairs, and the
administration of justice--now attract about six cents of
every federal dollar spent.
A. How Do We Compare?
Some people argue that government spending in America is out
of control. Compared to the other modern nations, however,
the United States ranks low on total government spending. A
much larger proportion of government outlays in the United
States goes to national defense and less to human resources
than in comparable nations.
VI. Taxes
A. The Basic Features of the American Tax System
Although the American tax burden has grown heavier over time,
it is significantly lighter than that of most other modern
capitalist countries. The U.S. tax system is also different
from others in the kinds of taxes imposed. States and
localities levy taxes in addition to the federal government.
In 1913, the states ratified a constitutional amendment to
allow the national government to institute an income tax. In
the beginning, this tax applied only to the most wealthy
Americans. The American tax system is unique in its
complexity. The U.S. tax code is a thick document, filled
with endless exceptions to the rules and special treatment
for individuals, companies, and communities.
B. Who Bears the Tax Burden?
To understand the distribution of the tax burden among
Americans, it's important to understand the effects of each
kind of tax and how much government revenue comes from each.
The personal income tax is progressive, meaning that higher
income earners pay a slightly higher percentage of their
income in taxes than do low income earners (the actual
percentage paid is called the effective tax rate).
Payroll taxes and sales taxes are regressive, meaning that
lower-income earners pay a higher percentage of their incomes
than do higher-income earners. The effects of the corporate
tax are not clear. Although the calculation of the total
distributive effect of all of these taxes is extremely
complex, the most widely accepted figures indicate that the
U.S. tax system is either moderately progressive or slightly
regressive, depending on how one treats the effects of
corporate taxes.
The tax system is less progressive than it used to be because
of big increases in payroll taxes and the decline in the
share of total government revenues generated by the income
tax. According to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget
Office (CBO), the richest one percent of income earners in
the United States saw a drop in the effective rate of their
federal taxes of six percentage points between 1977 and 1988,
while the least well-off 40 percent of the population
experienced an increase of about one percentage point.
C. The Politics of Tax Reform
Debate about taxes usually focuses on questions of economic
efficiency, justice, and the deficit. Concerns about
efficiency take several forms, but the one most frequently
voiced concern of conservatives and supply side economists is
that a progressive system with high tax rates at the top acts
as a disincentive for the industrious, because it penalizes
high incomes and profits.
Americans concerned about the fairness of the tax system
point out that the so-called progressive tax system is not
really that progressive, and thus unfair. Once all the
exemptions, deductions, and special tax breaks are taken into
account, the American tax system is not as progressive as it
appears on the surface. Finally, almost everyone is now
concerned because tax revenues fall short of governmental
outlays.
VII. The Deficit and the National Debt
The federal deficit is the annual shortfall between what the
government spends and what it takes in. The government must
borrow to cover the shortfall and pay interest to those from
whom it borrows. The total of what government owes in the
form of Treasury bonds, bills, and notes to American citizens
and institutions, foreign individuals and institutions, and
even to itself is the national debt. Interest on the
national debt is an important component of annual federal
outlays.
A. The Size of the National Debt and the Deficit
The national debt has increased significantly over a
relatively short period of time. Most of the national debt
prior to the 1980s accumulated during major wars. All of
this changed dramatically during the 1980s, however, when the
size of annual deficits, the rate of growth in the national
debt, and interest paid on the debt reached historically
unprecedented levels.
This rapid growth in the debt occurred for a simple reason:
government spending increased, while government revenues
lagged because of the 1981 tax cuts, the deep recession of
1981-1982, and the reduction of the top tax rates in 1986.
Increased welfare and other domestic spending had little to
do with the increase in the national debt.
B. Does the National Debt Matter?
Professional economists disagree about the effects of the
deficit and the national debt. To one group, it is the basis
of national decline. To another group, it is a trivial
problem.
Pessimists point to several key developments. The national
debt relative to GNP is rising at a rate that is
unprecedented. They warn that government borrowing to
finance the debt may crowd out private investment by driving
up interest rates. Much of the debt is funded by borrowing
from abroad, which puts much of the American economy in the
hands of non-Americans. Finally, pessimists claim that money
borrowed by the government is not put to good use, but
instead is squandered on activities that are not productive
economically, such as the military, subsidies, bailouts, and
failed social programs.
Optimists argue that the threat of the deficit is greatly
exaggerated. They claim that the national debt is not as
large as it seems because economists measure it incorrectly.
For instance, the considerable assets of the country
(buildings, land, equipment, and natural resources) are not
currently included in calculations. The national debt, even
normally measured, is no higher relative to GNP than it was
during the late 1940s and early 1950s.
Optimists find no evidence of crowding out. They say that
there is plenty of money around at reasonable interest rates,
but individuals and business enterprises don't use it in a
productive manner. Eighty percent of the interest paid on
the national debt goes to Americans. Finally, government
deficits are useful for spurring economic activity when labor
and productive capacity are being used at less than full
capacity, which happens to be most of the time.
C. The Politics of Deficit Management
Despite the lack of agreement about the effects of the
national debt, there is no doubt that the issue is an
important one. Elected leaders have tried to get the deficit
under control. In 1985, fiscal conservatives, worried about
the growing national debt, successfully pushed for the
enactment of the Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit
Control Act (popularly known as Gramm-Rudman).
Gramm-Rudman specified amounts by which the annual deficit
would have to be cut each year over a period of six years
with the goal of balancing the budget by 1991. Failure to
meet annual targets would trigger automatic cuts in federal
spending. Because of difficulties in reaching targets, a
bill enacted in 1987 postponed a balanced budget until 1992.
The goals of Gramm-Rudman, even as amended, have not been
met, of course. The federal budget is nowhere close to being
balanced. Nevertheless, some argue, the act has done some
good by putting pressure on the president and Congress each
year to make decisions about the budget that takes deficit
reduction into account.
VIII. Regulation
A. Why Government Regulates
If the economy were self-regulating, there would be no need
for government regulation. But it is not. People generally
want the government to do something to fix the problems
caused by market failures. In a democracy, politicians must
respond to these popular pressures on pain of losing office.
Regulation is the result.
Some scholars believe that regulation is solely the product
of democratic politics. Regulation is caused by the
political efforts of powerful business firms that turn to
government for protection against competitors. According to
this theory, regulation allows firms to restrict output, deny
entry to competitors, and maintain above-market prices.
B. Progressive Era Regulation
Between 1900 and World War I, the U.S. government passed laws
to regulate some of the activities of powerful new
corporations and break up the enormous trusts. Landmark
regulatory measures dealt with such problems as monopolies,
unstable financial institutions, unwholesome products, and
unsafe working conditions.
Many scholars believe, however, that major corporations were
themselves the beneficiaries of many of the regulatory
enactments of the period and that large corporations played a
major role in the conception, formulation, and enactment of
regulatory legislation.
C. New Deal Regulation
The next wave of regulatory reform occurred during the New
Deal. The regulatory innovations of this period aimed
squarely at speculative and unsafe practices in the banking
and securities industries that contributed to the Great
Depression. Legislation included federal bank inspection,
prohibition of speculative investments by banks, federal
deposit insurance, enhanced capabilities for the Federal
Reserve to coordinate the supply of money and credit, and the
creation of the Securities and Exchange Commission to
regulate stock market operations.
Again, the political sources of New Deal regulation were
mixed. The principle impetus for the New Deal came from
popular discontent with the status quo and pressure on the
government to solve the many problems of the Great
Depression. But powerful interest groups were also at work.
Important segments of the corporate community were intimately
involved in the formulation of reform legislation and
benefited greatly from it.
D. The New Social Regulation
The new social regulation of the 1970s was different from
regulation of the past. Regulation in this period was
directed at corporate practices in general rather than the
problems of particular industries. Thus, pollution
regulations covered all industries, as did anti-
discrimination rules.
Conscious of the degree to which older regulatory agencies
were captives of the industries being regulated, reformers
convinced elected officials to encourage broad public
participation and accountability. The new social regulation
encouraged citizen lawsuits, for instance, by granting
automatic standing in regulatory proceedings to interested
parties. This was probably the only time in our history when
business was almost entirely on the defensive and was unable
to halt the imposition of laws to which it was strongly
opposed.
E. Deregulation
By the end of the 1970s, the mood of opinion leaders both
inside and outside of government turned against regulation.
Many of them blamed excessive regulation for forcing
inefficient practices on American companies, thus, hastening
the decline of the United States in the world economy. The
deregulatory mood was spurred by a business political
offensive that took the form of funding think tanks, journals
of opinion, and foundations favorable to the business point
of view, as well as supporting the electoral campaigns of
sympathetic candidates.
The change in climate first appeared in the deregulation of
the airline, banking, railroad, and trucking industries under
President Jimmy Carter. It reached maturity under President
Ronald Reagan's program of regulatory relief.
F. The Future of Regulation
The regulatory state is not only here to stay, but is likely
to expand in the future. There are a number of reasons for
this. First, little permanent deregulation went through
during the 1980s. Second, most regulatory policies are
supported by the public. Third, deregulation created so many
problems that many people have had second thoughts.
Deregulation of the savings and loan industry and its
subsequent collapse is but the most glaring example.
Finally, new problems are beginning to appear that will
likely stimulate public demands for government intervention.
IX. Economic Policy and Democracy
National economic policy is produced by a political process
that contains democratic and non-democratic aspects. The
ideal of popular sovereignty is served by the general
correspondence between what the public wants and what
government does. The general public continues to support
spending in most areas of government programs, although many
feel that government wastes too much money in some areas. To
be sure, Americans are exasperated by the complexity of U.S.
tax policy.
There is also a concern for fairness and worry about its
overall economic effect. Nonetheless, the message that the
American people want low taxes is conveyed quite clearly to
elected officials, and they respond, as shown by how low our
taxes are when they are compared with those of other modern
capitalist countries. Finally, in terms of regulatory
policies, most Americans support the overall outlines of the
regulatory state, and many Americans would like to see more
regulations.